On 3 July 2026, India’s Board of Trade elevated import substitution to a national priority, and less than a month later the cabinet approved the Rs.84,084 crore Samudra Manthan offshore exploration scheme. Together, those moves suggest New Delhi is no longer treating commodity security as an abstract supply-chain concern, but as a central part of industrial and strategic policy. That shift matches the argument made in an August Asia Society policy brief by Farwa Aamer, who said dive...
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The pressure behind that rethink is visible in the import data. EY said last week that India’s total imports of goods and services reached US$0.99 trillion in FY26, with petroleum products, electronic goods, gold and machinery together making up nearly 55% of merchandise imports. The same analysis said six countries , China, the UAE, Russia, the US, Saudi Arabia and Iraq , accounted for 46.4% of merchandise imports, and that China’s share alone had risen from 3.0% in FY01 to 17.0% in FY26. NITI Aayog’s Trade Watch for October-December 2025 found that the top ten regions still supplied 90.8% of India’s imports, with North East Asia, West Asia and ASEAN together accounting for about 53%; its subsequent January-March 2026 update showed the concentration persisted, with leading regions accounting for nearly 91% and North East Asia alone making up around 28%. (ey.com)
Energy remains the most immediate vulnerability. Asia Society said the conflict in the Persian Gulf had again exposed the risks for an import-dependent economy whose supplies are heavily routed through the Strait of Hormuz. Aamer wrote that India had already diversified energy sourcing across the United States, Venezuela and Russia, while arguing for larger strategic buffers and wider cooperation with partners including Japan and the UAE. Official figures show why stockpiling still matters: India’s strategic petroleum reserve capacity currently stands at 5.33 million metric tonnes across Visakhapatnam, Mangaluru and Padur, with another 6.5 MMT approved at Chandikhol and Padur. The petroleum ministry says Samudra Manthan is meant, subject to exploration success, to lift domestic oil and gas production from about 62 MMTOE to 80 MMTOE a year and expand the hydrocarbon resource base from 1.6 billion tonnes of oil equivalent to 2.2 billion. (asiapolicy.asiasociety.org)
What is emerging is a strategy that goes beyond simply buying more cargoes from more places. The government’s August FAQ on the National Critical Mineral Mission said Khanij Bidesh India Ltd, or KABIL, has secured exclusive lithium exploration rights in Argentina, showing how India is trying to lock in upstream access as well as imports. Asia Society placed that effort inside a broader pattern of hedging across trade, technology and security, arguing that resilience comes from a portfolio of relationships rather than a privileged dependence on one supplier or bloc. (pib.gov.in)
Critical minerals are where the policy challenge becomes sharper. The Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis said India is still 100% import dependent for lithium, cobalt and nickel, and warned that domestic mines could take more than a decade to produce even as demand for transition minerals is set to more than double by 2030. Its report flagged high-risk exposure in materials such as graphite, lithium oxide, nickel oxide, nickel sulphate and copper cathodes. It also showed that leverage in these chains does not sit only with miners such as Australia and Chile: Belgium, Germany and Japan appear repeatedly as important refiners, processors or trade hubs, which means India’s sourcing problem is as much about midstream capability as raw ore. (ieefa.org)
Rare earths capture that contradiction most clearly. Policy Circle reported in March that India has the world’s third-largest rare earth reserves, estimated at 6.9 million tonnes, yet remains heavily reliant on imported permanent magnets and other downstream products. A parliamentary reply on 12 March 2026 gave a larger official resource picture, citing 7.23 million tonnes of rare earth oxide equivalent in monazite resources and 1.29 million tonnes in hard-rock deposits, while also saying 46 critical mineral blocks had already been auctioned, including seven rare-earth blocks. The government has paired that resource base with industrial policy: the Union Budget 2026-27 announced rare earth corridors in Odisha, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, and a Rs.7,280 crore scheme approved in November 2025 is intended to create 6,000 tonnes per annum of integrated rare earth permanent magnet capacity. (policycircle.org)
The wider economic case for diversification is backed by IMF research. In a 2023 working paper covering 48 major energy, mineral and agricultural commodities, IMF economists found that the top three suppliers account on average for about 75% of global mineral production. They concluded that fragmentation of commodity trade, which has accelerated since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, could trigger large price swings and greater volatility, with clean-energy minerals such as copper, nickel, cobalt and lithium among the most exposed in a split geopolitical system. In other words, India’s commodity strategy is no longer chiefly about finding the cheapest barrel or tonne; it is about reducing the shock that comes when politics, sanctions or shipping disruption cut through a concentrated market. (imf.org)
Trade patterns suggest that rebalancing has begun, but unevenly. NITI Aayog’s October-December 2025 report showed import growth from West Africa rising from US$3.3 billion to US$5.3 billion and Latin America growing by about 47.21%, evidence of a search for alternative channels. By January-March 2026, Latin America was up 78.6% and the EFTA region 356.1%, helped by stronger inflows of crude, minerals, gold and precision instruments, while imports from West Asia-GCC fell 11.1% amid shipping and energy-market disruption. That leaves India with a more practical test than the original debate over “direct sourcing” suggested: not whether intermediaries disappear, but whether India can build enough storage, processing, refining and transport capacity to turn supplier diversification into genuine bargaining power. (niti.gov.in)
Source: Noah Wire Services



